[A1569/7/3]*[print] [email] [cite] [preceding] [following]
First, how the queen of Scots might be induced to affirm the estate of her son according to the parliament held whilst she was in Lochleven, and how her estate for her person, with her surety and liberty, may be provided.
Secondly, if this cannot be compassed, how she may be induced to join in title of the crown with her son, both to reign jointly, and the government to remain during her son's minority in the order of a regent and a council of the land; and herein what order is to be taken with the queen for her abode.
Thirdly, if none of these can be compassed, then if the queen should be recognised queen and her son should only remain prince, it would be considered how these things following may serve to any good purpose:
First, that the state of religion may be universally received and obeyed of all persons of Scotland, accordingly as it is now professed by the regent and the subjects joined with him; and if the queen will not in her own person observe the same, that yet she shall observe the manner of the religion used in England; and that the queen and crown of Scotland be delivered from the superiority challenged by the Bishop of Rome.
Secondly, that the government may be established in the person of [James Stewart], earl of Moray until the prince attains the age of 18 years; and a council chosen of the nobility of Scotland, and the offices of the realm to be committed to special persons not to be changed by the queen without the assent of the regent and the majority of the council.
Thirdly, that a full accord be made between the queen and all her subjects, and the same between the subjects themselves, so that restitution be made of all lands heritable to be in the same state as they were at the queen's committing to Lochleven, saving such as are attainted and convicted of the murder of [Henry Stewart, lord Darnley], the queen's husband, and that an abolition be made of all actions and suits for all matters chanced in the meantime.
Fourthly, that no strangers be entertained nor suffered to remain in the realm other than known merchants or necessary household servants.
Fifthly, that a perpetual league may be made between England and Scotland, and such part of the treaties between France and Scotland revoked as maintains offence between England and Scotland, and the amity between France and Scotland to remain as it does between England and France.
Lastly, to consider whether these things following may tend to make good assurance of the premises:
First, that the articles of this treaty may be accorded tripartitely: that is, the queen of England, the queen of Scots and the prince of Scotland, and the subjects a third.
Secondly, that they may be established by parliament in Scotland, with penalties of high treason against any of the subjects of Scotland that shall break the same, and the profit of the forfeiture to come to the queen or her son as either of them shall be offended.
Thirdly, if the queen of Scots shall break any of them and shall be judged to have done so by the queen of England, with assent of the regent and majority of the council, then she shall forfeit her state to her son who shall be reputed king to all intents without any other coronation.
Fourthly, that a convenient number of hostages may be given on both parts of the nobility of Scotland for observance of these articles, to remain in England at the order of the queen of England until the prince attains the age of 18.
The last is to be considered in what place the queen of Scots shall remain.
Which degrees were separately looked on, and every one of them by the self weighed and well-considered by the noblemen and estates above-written convened, who, having heretofore had large experience of the queen's majesty of England's goodness, have taken her highness's meaning in very good part; but finding the two degrees last in order of the three so prejudicial to the king our sovereign lord's estate and consequently to the surety of all his obedient subjects, as also somewhat dangerous for the unquieting of the whole isle, they cannot find it expedient to condescend to direct any man towards the queen's majesty of England to confer upon the same, thinking the burden greater than the shoulders of any one may bear; and yet for the first - being in the self not altogether so dangerous, as also carrying with it some greater appearance of reason - they are content to have the same conferred upon, and besides to perform on their part whatsoever may be to the satisfaction of the queen's majesty of England, not being in the self prejudicial to the king our sovereign lord's estate, which they profess to be dearer unto them than either their lives or lands. Notwithstanding, if it shall seem to her majesty that the conference of any two, three or four of the noblemen themselves, with such others of her majesty's subjects as it may please her to name, may find out anything tending to this end, the nobility and estates above-written are gladly content that they meet at any place convenient upon the border to satisfy her majesty's desire in that behalf; and agreed and condescended that my lord regent's grace should write and send answer to the queen's majesty of England in this form with some trusty servant of his own.